In these days of rage, spectacle as a power-relation, as a relation that imprints memory onto objects and bodies, is faced with a diffuse counter-power which deterritorialises impressions allowing them to wonder away from the tyranny of the image and into the field of the senses. Senses are always felt antagonistically (they are always acted against something) – but under the current conditions they are driven towards an increasingly acute and radical polarisation.
Against the supposedly peaceful caricatures of bourgeois media (“violence is unacceptable always, everywhere”), we can only cachinnate: their rule, the rule of gentle spirits and consent, of dialogue and harmony is nothing but a well calculated pleasure in beastliness: a promised carnage. The democratic regime in its peaceful façade doesn’t kill an Alex every day, precisely because it kills thousands of Ahmets, Fatimas, JorJes, Jin Tiaos and Benajirs: because it assassinates systematically, structurally and without remorse the entirety of the third world, that is the global proletariat. It is in this way, through this calm everyday slaughter, that the idea of freedom is born: freedom not as a supposedly panhuman good, nor as a natural right for all, but as the war cry of the damned, as the premise of civil war.
The history of the legal order and the bourgeois class brainwashes us with an image of gradual and stable progress of humanity within which violence stands as a sorry exception stemming from the economically, emotionally and culturally underdeveloped. Yet all of us who have been crushed between school desks, behind offices, in factories, know only too well that history is nothing but a succession of bestial acts installed upon a morbid system of rules. The cardinals of normality weep for the law that was violated from the bullet of the pig Korkoneas (the killer cop). But who doesn’t know that the force of the law is merely the force of the powerful? That it is law itself that allows for violence to be exercised on violence? The law is void from end to bitter end; it contains no meaning, no target other than the coded power of imposition.
At the same time, the dialectic of the left tries to codify conflict, battle and war, with the logic of the synthesis of opposites. In this way it constructs an order; a pacified condition within which everything has its proper little place. Yet, the destiny of conflict is not synthesis – as the destiny of war is not peace. Social insurrection comprises the condensation and explosion of thousands of negations, yet it does not contain even in a single one of its atoms, nor in a single one of its moments its own negation, its own end. This always comes heavy and gloomy like a certainty from the institutions of mediation and normalisation, from the left promising voting rights at 16, disarmament but preservation of the pigs, a welfare state, etc. Those, in other words, who wish to capitalise political gains upon the wounds of others. The sweetness of their compromise drips with blood.
Social anti-violence cannot be held accountable for what it does not assume: it is destructive from end to end. If the struggles of modernity have anything to teach us, it is not their sad adhesion upon the subject (class, party, group) but their systematic anti-dialectical process: the act of destruction does not necessarily ought to carry a dimension of creation. In other words, the destruction of the old world and the creation of a new comprise two discrete but continuous processes. The issue then is which methods of destruction of the given can be developed in different points and moments of the insurrection. Which methods cannot only preserve the level and the extent of the insurrection, but contribute to its qualitative upgrading. The attacks on police stations, the clashes and roadblocks, the barricades and street battles now comprise an everyday and socialised phenomenon in the metropolis and beyond. And they have contributed to a partial deregulation of the circle of production and consumption. And yet, they still comprise in a partial targeting of the enemy; direct and obvious to all, yet entrapped in one and only dimension of the attack against dominant social relations. However, the process of production and circulation of goods in itself, in other words, the capital-relation, is only indirectly hit by the mobilisations. A spectre hovers over the city torched: the indefinite wild general strike.
The global capitalist crisis has denied the bosses their most dynamic, most extorting response to the insurrection: “We offer you everything, for ever, while all they can offer is an uncertain present”. With one firm collapsing after the other, capitalism and its state are no longer in a position to offer anything other than worse days to come, tightened financial conditions, sacks, suspension of pensions, welfare cuts, crush of free education. Contrarily, in just seven days, the insurgents have proved in practice what they can do: to turn the city into a battlefield, to create enclaves of communes across the urban fabric, to abandon individuality and their pathetic security, seeking the composition of their collective power and the total destruction of this murderous system.
At this historical conjuncture of crisis, rage and the dismissal of institutions at which we finally stand, the only thing that can convert the systemic deregulation into a social revolution is the total rejection of work. When street fighting will be taking place in streets dark from the strike of the Electricity Company; when clashes will be taking place amidst tons of uncollected rubbish, when trolley-buses will be closing streets, blocking off the cops, when the striking teacher will be lighting up his revolted pupil’s molotov cocktail, then we will be finally able to say: “Ruffians, the days of your society are numbered; we weighted its joys and its justices and we found them all too short”. This, today, is no longer a mere fantasy but a concrete ability in everyone’s hand: the ability to act concretely on the concrete. The ability to charge the skies.
If all of these, namely the extension of the conflict into the sphere of production-circulation, with sabotages and wild strikes seem premature, it might just be because we haven’t quite realised how fast does power decomposes, how fast confrontational practices and counter-power forms of organising are socially diffused: from high school students pelting police stations with stones, to municipal employees and neighbours occupying town halls. The revolution does not take place with prayers towards and piety for historical conditions. It occurs by seizing whatever opportunity of insurrection in every aspect of the social; by transforming every reluctant gesture of condemnation of the cops into a definite strike to the foundations of this system.
Off the pigs!
14/12/2008 Initiative from the occupation of the Athens School of Economics and Business
30 Comments
“capitalism and its state are no longer in a position to offer anything other than worse days to come, tightened financial conditions, sacks, suspension of pensions, welfare cuts, crush of free education.”
Damn straight.
More shameless self-promotion…sorry…
For continual news updates please check The Center For Strategic Anarchy blog: http://anarchiststrategy.blogspot.com
It’d be awesome if the admin for this blog could add this link to the front page. Keep up the vital work!
done
Well, they got the picture but what this text seems to suggest for action sounds as a scenario inspired by a dystopian movie.. Were there “intellectual” emos involved in the writing? Sorry.. I couldn’t help asking..
Thank you so much!
This most recent post is really good and will undoubtedly be reprinted and discussed widely.
“dystopian movie”
This ain’t hollywood, it’s grim reality wha.
That’s what I’m trying to say..It’s reality.. not a console game to play sim city..
still, it’s better than society of the spectacle
R.I.P. Alexis
You got a point Godot. But since we’re up to that why not doing it well? We don’t need to tear everything down to gain a war. It just needs some strategical hits and then through “detournement” the rest will be overtaken. Overthrowing the society of spectacle is not about destroying “images” but destroying their symbolical content. Ofcourse this takes more time and thought..
http://libcom.org/library/greek-riots-eyewitness-reports-14-december-2008
Unfortunately, this kind of rhetoric is all-too common in radical greek circles. Sadly, there is a major strain of this kind of nihilistic, street warrior-style anarchism that likes to glorify the use of violence. Now, I’m not saying revolution can be utterly peaceful (and I’m not saying it can’t, either) but the glorification of violence is something else entirely.
In a somewhat related note, the rampant censorship practiced on Athens IMC is really outrageous. Anyone posting anything the least bit self-critical about the movement or actions, both now and generally, has their posting removed systematically.
Among the many pictures being posted of stuff happening in Greece right now were two photos of people in a stadium holding up banners denouncing the cop’s lawyer by calling him such enlightened things as “faggot” (I am Greek and can speak and read it fairly well). Now, I am all too aware of the rampant homophobia present in greek culture but there is at least the pretense of being queer positive and fighting heterosexism among the greek left.
Now, when I decided to post a comment critical of such homophobic displays and that perhaps Indymedia Athens might not want to allow such posts OR if they do, to at least do so while being critical of this form of overt homophobia instead of providing it with a platform and, in fact, praising it no less!
Well, no sooner had I posted this and my comment was removed. Then, when I reposted, it was removed once more and has been removed several times since. ask you, what kind of movement is this if there is no room for critical discussion?? Particularly on something that I believe to be as uncontroversial as “hey, how ’bout we try to not be a bunch of biggoted knuckleheads, hmm?”
” ..the riots are organised from foreign agents targeting the integrity of the country..” !!!
The Omega Militia supports student uprisings… and retaliation upon those who support governments that harm, kill, and attempt to prohibit freedoms of the people they rule over. We DO NOT support the glorification of violence, but at points Violence is the only way to achieve the needs necessary to state reform. Violence is not acceptable, But at times, is the only solution.
I understand that you can not even imagine
“glorification of violence”? didn’t see really much that here. i would see it more in those leftists who argue that now we should unite to demanding that cops stop carrying weapons, and leaving the whole institution of police in its place.
when police stops being a police, and soldier stops being a soldier, amid a generalised insurrection and general strike, the violence fades.
i don’t know how much there has been practical discussions and reflections about post-revolutionary functioning of the city? how to realize food supply, clean drinking water, health care..
soli action in melbourne http://slackbastard.anarchobase.com/?p=1555
http://slackbastard.anarchobase.com/?p=1555
I love this manifesto… can we call it a manifesto?
“… when the striking teacher will be lighting up his revolted pupil’s molotov cocktail, then we will be finally able to say: “Ruffians, the days of your society are numbered; we weighted its joys and its justices and we found them all too short”. This, today, is no longer a mere fantasy but a concrete ability in everyone’s hand: the ability to act concretely on the concrete. The ability to charge the skies… ”
Amazing!
As for the glorification of violence, no, this is an articulation of state violence and how it works.
Does anybody know whether the Greek are going to declare Exarchia or places like that independent? Is this going to be a separatist movement – inquiring minds need to know…
If you’ve ever read “a Day of Mounrful Overcast” by Spanish anarchist Malatesta you know that anarchist movements have always been sucked back into the state-capitalist system. When are we going to learn our lesson.
My comments regarding the glorification of violence were not solely based on this statement released by those occupying the Polytechnique but were rather a general comment on the radical leftist movement in Greece.
But what about the other stuff I said? What about the implicit support of clear incidents of homophobia and the subsequent censorship of criticisms surrounding it? I haven’t heard anyone’s thoughts (or outrage) on that particular point.
ROT, the city has 5 million people, by the way things are going there is not going to be a ” post-revolutionary functioning of the city” because there will be no revolution at all if the people in general are not mobilized and the means of production are not stopped and taken back by the workers… the continuation of non objective street protests only by students and the formation of some sort of daily routine of protesting can seriously harm and eventually stop all this thing that has been set into motion
political action is needed and fast!
keep up the struggle
FRENCH TRANSLATION
Alignés au mur, fils de pute ! Nous sommes arrivés pour prendre ce qui nous appartient…
Lundi 15 Décembre 2008
En ces jours de rage, le spectacle comme une relation de puissance, une relation qui imprime son souvenir sur les objets et les corps, est confronté à un diffus contre-pouvoir qui déterritorialise le vécu, lui permettant de s’éloigner de la tyrannie de l’image pour s’aventurer dans le domaine des sens. Les sens ont toujours été perçus comme antagonistes (ils réagissent toujours contre quelque chose), mais dans les conditions actuelles, ils se dirigent vers une polarisation de plus en plus aiguë et radicale.
Des caricatures soi-disant pacifiques des médias bourgeois ( “la violence est toujours inacceptable, partout dans le monde”), nous ne pouvons que nous gausser : leur loi, leur loi d’esprit obéissant et consentant, de dialogue et d’harmonie ne sont rien d’autre qu’un bestial plaisir bien calculé : un carnage garanti. Le régime démocratique sous son verni pacifique ne tue pas un Alex chaque jour, précisément parce qu’il tue des milliers de Ahmets, Fatimas, JorJes, Jin Tiaos et Benajirs: parce qu’il assassine systématiquement, structurellement et sans remords l’ensemble du tiers monde, qui est le prolétariat mondial. C’est de cette façon, à cause de ce quotidien massacre à froid, qu’est née l’idée de liberté : la liberté non pas comme un prétendu bienfait humain, ni comme un droit naturel pour tous, mais comme le cri de guerre des damnés, comme le principe de la guerre.
La classe bourgeoise et son histoire officielle nous lavent le cerveau avec la légende d’un progrès graduel et stable de l’humanité au sein duquel la violence n’est qu’une désolante exception découlant d’un sous-développement économique, culturel et émotionnel. Pourtant, nous tous qui avons été écrasés entre les pupitres d’école, derrière les bureaux, les usines, ne savons que trop bien que l’histoire n’est rien d’autre qu’une succession d’actes bestiaux reposant sur un système de règles mortifères. Les gardiens de la normalité déplorent que la loi ait été violée par la balle du revolver de Korkoneas le Porc (le flic tueur). Mais qui ne sait pas que la vigueur de la loi est simplement la force de la puissance ? Que c’est la loi elle-même qui permet le recours à la violence contre la violence? La loi est vide de bout en bout, elle n’a aucun sens, ni aucun autre but que celui de déguiser la force du pouvoir.
Dans le même temps, la dialectique de la gauche tente de codifier le conflit, la bataille et la guerre, avec la logique de la synthèse des contraires. De cette manière, il construit un ordre, un état pacifié au sein duquel tout a sa propre petite place. Pourtant, le destin du conflit n’est pas la synthèse – comme le destin de la guerre n’est pas la paix. L’insurrection sociale contient la condensation et l’explosion de milliers de négations, pourtant elle ne contient en aucune de ses sous-parties, ni en aucun de ses moments, sa propre négation, sa propre fin. C’est toujours avec une certitude lourde et sombre qu’arrivent les institutions de médiation et de normalisation, de la gauche promettant le droit de vote dès 16 ans, le désarmement mais le maintien des porcs, l’État-providence, etc. En d’autres termes, en voilà qui souhaitent tirer un gain politique de nos blessures. La douceur de leur compromis suinte le sang.
Ceux qui sont contre la violence sociale ne peuvent pas être tenus pour responsables de ce qu’ils n’assument pas: ils sont destructeurs de bout en bout. Si les luttes contemporaines ont quelque chose à nous apprendre, ce n’est pas leur triste consensus sur un objet (la classe, le parti, le groupe), mais leur processus systématiquement anti-dialectique: l’acte de destruction ne contient pas nécessairement une partie créative. En d’autres termes, la destruction de l’ancien monde et la création d’un nouveau monde contiennent deux processus discrets mais continus. La question est alors quelles méthodes de destruction de l’existant peuvent être développées en différents lieux et moments de l’insurrection ? Quelles méthodes peuvent non seulement maintenir le niveau et l’ampleur de l’insurrection, mais contribuer à son amélioration qualitative ? Les attaques de commissariats, les affrontements et les barrages routiers, les barricades et les batailles de rue, sont maintenant un phénomène social quotidien dans les villes et au-delà. Et ils ont contribué à une déréglementation partielle du cycle de production et de consommation. Et pourtant, ils ne sont qu’une attaque partielle de l’ennemi; il est évident que nous restons piégés dans une seule et unique dimension de l’attaque contre les relations sociales dominantes. Car le processus de production et de circulation des marchandises en lui-même, autrement dit le capital comme relation, n’est qu’indirectement touché par les mobilisations. Un spectre plane sur la ville embrasée : celui de la grève générale sauvage à durée indéterminée.
La crise capitaliste mondiale a ôté aux patrons leur réponse la plus énergique et la plus mensongère à l’insurrection: «Nous vous offrons tout et pour toujours, alors que tout ce qu’eux peuvent vous offrir n’est qu’un présent incertain”. Avec ses entreprises qui s’effondrent les unes après les autres, le capitalisme et son Etat ne sont plus en mesure d’offrir quoi que ce soit d’autre qu’un lendemain pire de jour en jour, une situation financière asphyxiante, des licenciements, la suspension des pensions de retraite, des coupes dans les budgets sociaux, la fin de la gratuité de l’enseignement. Au contraire, en seulement sept jours, les insurgés ont prouvé par la pratique ce qu’ils peuvent faire: transformer la ville en un champ de bataille, créer des enclaves de communes dans l’ensemble du tissu urbain, abandonner l’individualité et sa sécurité pathétique, rechercher la formation de leur force collective et la destruction totale de ce système meurtrier.
À ce moment historique de la crise, moment de rage et de rejet des institutions auquel nous sommes finalement parvenus, la seule chose qui peut transformer le système de déréglementation en une révolution sociale est le rejet total du travail. Quand les combats se dérouleront dans des rues assombries par la grève de la compagnie d’électricité, lorsque les affrontements auront lieu au milieu de tonnes de déchets non collectés, lorsque les tramways seront abandonnés au milieu des rues, bloquant les flics, lorsque l’enseignant en grève allumera le cocktail molotov de son élève révolté, nous serons enfin en mesure de dire: Camarade, “les jours de cette société sont comptés ; ses raisons et ses mérites ont été pesés, et trouvés légers”. Aujourd’hui, cela n’est plus un simple fantasme, mais une possibilité réelle dans la main de chacun : la possibilité d’agir concrètement sur le concret. La possibilité d’apercevoir les cieux.
Si tout cela, à savoir l’extension du conflit dans la sphère de la production-distribution, avec ses sabotages et ses grèves sauvages, semble prématuré, ce ne serait que parce que nous n’avons pas réalisé à quelle vitesse le pouvoir se décompose, à quelle vitesse les méthodes de confrontation et les formes de contre-povoir se diffusent socialement : des lycéens qui caillassent les commissariats aux employés municipaux et aux voisins qui occupent les mairies. La révolution ne se fait pas par la croyance et la foi en des conditions historiques à venir. Elle se fait en saisissant n’importe quelle occasion d’insurrection dans chaque aspect de la vie sociale, en transformant notre animosité envers les flics en une grève définitive aux pieds de ce système.
Dehors les porcs!
Medusa,
Yes I agree that homonegativity is not what I consider “diversity of tactics”. Maybe they were high school students who, we can only hope, grow out of it? Maybe they can chill with older anarchists and learn not only how to make better molotovs but that militancy and machismo are two different things.
About the IMC – they’re all imperfect. But I don’t know what to say about whoever is deleting your comment. Do you think they approve of the picture or what?
Hi Pixilated,
Yeah, it seems pretty clear that they are proud of the two pics they posted. I’d provide a link but i keep getting a “search disabled because of server maintenance” error message now on the athens IMC.
The men in the pics seemed to be a whole lot older than high school students.
theyr probably hooligan scum from some football ultras group… those people have nothing on theyr heads and no politics what so ever
Just for your information: most of your texts are translated and published to Turkish, and we are watching you with great enthusiasm. Thank you for giving such an effort for better future.
Well spoken phile. Good article. I admit had to read it 2 times before I comprehensively grasped it. Spontaneous, adventuresome, razor-sharp, defiant yet eloquent and as for it’s ‘dystopian’ depiction in the end, a pretty realistic foresight, if you ask me. I am glad too how you emphasized the distinction in post & active revolution it’s methods, principles and goals exclusively aimed to disorganize the fascist corporatocracy.
Hope to hear more from you in the coming time.
As for some exalting rhetoric to endorse anarchy & violence.
For whatever it’s worth to you in the occupied Polytechnic, and all other campuses & schools in Athens and all across Greece.
I think your stand in the face of the wicked big brother, the oppressive oligarchic status quo that dehumanizes it’s citizen as livestock to serve no other purpose than to slave through life locked up in miserly economic cages, is utterly commendable. With it’s high tech utilization, rapid mobilization, the sophisticated level of organization and it’s hard-bitten determination, the Greek ultra left freedom movement, has methinks, not only elevated the faculty of urban polemic studies to which the Athenian polytechnic seem to be specialized and advanced it to a new level of perfection. But additionally reckoned on a global scale, it has managed to score an irrevocable momentum, defining a momentous turning point in the rebellion of our times. In it’s wake sparking a powerful beacon of hope seen all throughout the world inspiring millions and bringing thousands of even minded people together.
Democracy has to take in account it’s potential weakness for being highjacked by undemocratic elements, but since it lacks any emergency procedures, in such critical times as where we find ourselves presently, virtually anything goes to reclaim, restore, & reconstitute the power that was ours to begin with. Don’t let the voices of reason, antithesis, & synthesis, conveniently conspire to another temporal pax Romana that’s sends you off with fair words and a plastic smile in the theater of spectacle. The so called “Media Movie” projecting the manufactured consensus trance of a quasi congenial every day reality. “Their Tube”, by which generations in modern times before us have all been systematically lied to. See through that the time for talking has plainly passed decades ago, it’s over & out, because you simply can’t win a public discussion from the pathological liar that controls all the spread of information. Now can you?
This time, here’s where we have to draw the line that is long overdue.
No more evasions. No more excuses. No more forgetting. No more repressions.
No more pacificating. No more tunnel visions. No more divisions. No more ism’s or schisms. Talk is cheap now and deeds speak louder than words.
We seen and heard it all before and by now it’s all too transparent that the warmonger only speaks, reasons & understands in the barbarian language of bloody war and like you said, “the destiny of war is not peace”, but the destiny of war can only be met in victory or defeat.
In the bottom line it’s the most existential, most fundamental, most humane conflict that’s at play here in this war that is by long not fought. A war to protect our freedom from being subdued (any further) in slavery. In human terms, there can be no higher end, more substantial, urgent, or legislative, for waging such a revolution
Albeit glorifying acts characterizing such a civil war is a completely uncivilized policy which we should not lower ourselves to….. ???
Thanks big time for it’s declaration Athenians & Greeks.
BTW, very symbolical that the road for rehabilitating democracy should commence from Greece.
Turkish Translation
Up Against the Wall Motherfuckers!* Bizim olanı almaya geldik…
Bu öfke günlerinde, bir iktidar ilişkisi, nesneler ve bedenleri hafızayla mühürleyen bir ilişki olarak gösteri, izlenimleri yersiz-yurtsuzlaştıran ve onları imgenin tiranlığından kurtararak duyuların alanına ilerlemelerini sağlayan yayılmış bir karşı-iktidarla yüzleşmek zorunda kalıyor. Duyular her zaman antagonistik biçimde hissedilir (her zaman bir şeye karşı harekete geçerler) –ama şu anki koşullarda bunun ötesinde keskin ve radikal bir kutuplaşmaya yöneliyorlar.
Burjuva medyasının sözde barış yanlısı karikatürleri karşısında (“şiddet hiçbir zaman, hiçbir yerde kabul edilemez”), attığımız kahkaha en fazla şunu dememizi mümkün kılıyor: onların yasaları, yumuşak huyluların ve onayın, diyalog ve uyumun yasası, iyi hesaplanmış bir canavarlıktan alınan hazdan başka bir şey değildir: vaat edilmiş bir katliam. Evet barışçıl çehresinde demokratik rejim her gün bir Alex öldürmüyor: Tam da binlerce Ahmet, Fatma, Jorjes, Jin Tiaos ve Benajir’i öldürdüğü için. Tam da üçüncü dünyaya, yani küresel proleteryaya, yapısal olarak ve hiçbir pişmanlık duymaksızın sürekli suikast düzenlediği için. Ve yine tam da bu nedenle, bu sessiz gündelik katliam aracılığıyla özgürlük düşüncesi doğuyor. Sözde tüm insanlığa ait bir mal olarak değil, herkes için geçerli bir doğal hak olarak da değil, lanetlenmişlerin savaş çığlığı olarak özgürlük, iç savaşın öncülü olarak özgürlük.
Yasal düzenin tarihi ve burjuva sınıfı, içinde şiddetin ekonomik, duygusal ve kültürel olarak az gelişmişlerden kaynaklanan üzücü bir istisna olarak yer aldığı kademeli ve istikrarlı bir ilerleme portresiyle beynimizi yıkıyor. Ama okul masalarında, ofis ve fabrikalarda ezilen bizler çok iyi biliyoruz ki tarih ölümcül bir yasalar sistemi üstüne inşa edilen canavarlıklar geçidinden başka bir şey değildir. Normalliğin kardinalleri Korköneas domuzunun (katil polis) kurşunuyla ihlal edilen yasa için gözyaşı döküyor. Oysa, yasanın gücünün iktidarın kuvveti olduğunu bilmeyen kim kaldı? Şiddet üstüne şiddet eklemeyi mümkün kılanın bizzat yasanın kendisi olduğunu? Başından acı sonuna kadar, yasanın içi boştur; anlam barındırmaz ve dayatmanın kodlanmış iktidarından başka bir hedefi yoktur.
Aynı anda, solun diyalektiği de, çatışma, mücadele ve savaşı karşıtların birliği mantığıyla kodlamaya çalışıyor. Böylece bir düzen kuruyor: her bir şeyin kendisine ait küçük mekanına yerleştirildiği, pasifize edilmiş bir durum. Ama çatışmanın kaderi sentez değildir –savaşın kaderinin barış olmadığı gibi. Toplumsal isyan binlerce olumsuzlamanın yoğunlaşmasını ve patlamasını kapsar; ama tek bir atomunda dahi, tek bir bileşeninde dahi kendi olumsuzlamasını, kendi ereğini içermez. Bunlar, sözde kesin bir hakikatin ağırlığı ve kasvetiyle aracılık ve normalleştirme kurumlarından geliyor, 16 yaşında seçme hakkı vaat eden, domuzların varlıklarını koruyarak silahsızlandırılmasını vaat eden, refah devleti v.s. vaat eden soldan. Diğer bir deyişle, başkalarının yaraları üstünden siyasi kazanım elde etmek isteyenlerden. Uzlaşma pastasından kan damlıyor.
Toplumsal şiddete karşıtlık, iddia etmediği şeyden sorumlu tutulamaz: o baştan sona yıkıcıdır. Modernliğin savaşımlarının bize öğretecek bir şeyi varsa, bu onların bir özneye (sınıf, parti, grup) kilitlenmeleri değil, onları karakterize eden sistemli anti-diyalektik süreçtir: yıkıcı eylemin yaratıcı boyut içerme zorunluluğu yoktur. Diğer bir deyişle, eski dünyanın yıkımı ve yenisinin yaratılması aralıksız ancak birbirinden ayrı iki süreçten oluşur. Öyleyse mesele, isyanın farklı aşamalarında mevcut olanın yıkımına ilişkin hangi yöntemlerin geliştirilebileceğidir. Hangi yöntemler isyanın sadece o ana kadarki düzey ve kapsamını korumakla kalmayıp onun niteliksel yükselişine katkı sağlayabilir? Karakollara saldırılar, çarpışmalar ve yol kapatmalar, barikatlar ve sokak çatışmaları artık başkent ve ötesinde gündelik ve toplumsal görüngülerdir; ve üretim ve tüketim çemberindeki kontrolü kısmi de olsa kaldırmaya katkı sağladılar. Yine de, düşmana karşı kısmi bir ataktan ibarettirler; doğrudan ve herkese aşikarlar, ancak yine de egemen üretim ilişkilerine saldırının sadece tek bir boyutunda hapsolmuş haldeler. Bu mobilizasyonlar metaların üretim ve dolaşım sürecine, diğer bir deyişle, sermaye-ilişkisine, ancak dolaylı yoldan darbe vurur. Şehrin üstünde bir hortlak dolanıyor: vahşi ve sürekli genel grev.
Kapitalizmin küresel krizi patronları isyana en dinamik, en talepkar tepkilerinden mahrum bıraktı: “Biz size her şeyi sunuyoruz, sonsuza değin, oysa bunların arzettiği tek şey belirsiz bir şimdi”. Birbiri ardından batan şirketleriyle kapitalizm ve onun devleti artık gelecek daha kötü günlerden, sıkılaşmış finansal koşullar, işten atmalar, emekli aylıklarının kaldırılması, sosyal devlet harcamalarında kısıtlamalar ve parasız eğitimin kaldırılmasından başka bir vaadi dillendirecek konumda değiller. Buna karşılık, isyancılar sadece 7 günde, neler yapabileceklerini pratikte ortaya koydular: kenti savaş alanına çevirmek, kentsel dokuda komün bölgeleri yaratmak, bireyliği ve onun zavallı güvenliğini terk edip, kolektif güçlerini yaratmaya ve bu ölüm saçan sistemin tümden yıkımına yönelmek.
Kriz, öfke ve kurumların reddiyle tanımlanan bu tarihsel konjontürde, sistemsel deregülasyonu toplumsal devrime dönüştürebilecek tek şey çalışmanın tümden reddidir. Sokak kavgası Elektrik Şirketi’ndeki grev nedeniyle karanlık sokaklarda gerçekleştiğinde, çatışmalar tonlarca toplanmamış çöp yığını arasında yürütüldüğünde, tramvaylar sokakları kapatıp polisleri engellediğinde, grevdeki öğretmen isyana katılmış öğrencisinin motolofunu yaktığında, işte o zaman diyebileceğiz ki: “Zorbalar, sizin toplumunuzun günleri sayılı, onun bahsettiği neşe ve adaleti ölçtük biçtik ve tamamen yetersiz bulduk.” Bugün, bu, artık sadece bir hayal değil herkesin elinde bulunan bir kudrettir: somuta karşı somut eyleme kudreti. Gökleri değiştirme kudreti.
Eğer tüm bunlar, yani çatışmanın sabotajlar ve vahşi grevlerle üretim-dolaşım alanına yayılması vakitsiz görünüyorsa, bunun nedeni belki de iktidarın ne kadar da çabuk çözüldüğünü, çatışmacı pratiklerin ve karşı-iktidar formunda örgütlenmenin toplumsal yayılma hızını farkedemediğimiz içindir: karakolları taş yağmuruna tutan lise öğrencilerinden, belediye çalışanlarına ve belediye binalarını işgal eden komşulara… Devrim ne ‘tarihsel koşullar’ için dua ederek ne de ‘tarihsel koşullar’ sofuluğuyla yapılır. Devrim, toplumsalın her alanındaki olanakları üstlenerek; polisle ilgili her çekimser kınama edimini düzenin temellerine atılan keskin bir darbeye dönüştürerek olur.
DEFOLUN DOMUZLAR!**
Atina Ekonomi ve İşletme Okulu İşgal İnisiyatifi – 14.12.2008
*1966′da ‘The Motherfuckers’ adıyla kurulan anarşist örgüt. 68′de siyah şair Amiri Baraka’nın bir şiirine referansla ‘Up Against the Wall Motherfuckers’ adini aldı. İki farklı biçimde cevrilebilir: “Duvara Dizilin Piçler, Bizim Olanı Almaya Geldik”, ya da bu sefer örgut üyelerine göndermeyle “Duvara Karşı Piçler: Bizim olanı almaya geldik.”
** ‘Off the Pigs’ Kara Panterler’in sloganlarından biri.
Çev: DünyaSokaktaDeğişecek!
Our militia does not support the glorification of violence, any attempt to justify ones actions in a course of violence is unacceptable. Violence is necessary for change, But to use vocabulary, and especially complicated vocabulary, to justify it is sickening… no matter what, in this uprising (which I actually do support) there are human beings on the other side… who are being injured… killed. This complicated vocabulary only serves to dehumanize the other side. This is the thing that Omega rebels from… anyone can kill someone else… The point is to do it with full understanding of what you are doing… with the fanciful vocabulary, no one ever thinks that that pig is trying to help their family… the glorification of violence is in the denial of the humanity of the other side. Violence is the start of change… but the disregard of others lives is just as apauling as watching the Molotov cocktail hit the cop and watching him burn.
U3qnbS http://djb3jDdmjckow30cnjcmd61l0dy.com
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